Dead Enders

”And when you lose control, you reap the harvest you have sown.”

Pink Floyd

In 2010 a bloc of US voters steeped in grievance and confident, after two years of constant exhortations by Fox/AM that their hatred of America’s first black President was based on his bigotry not theirs, ushered in a wave of new dead-ender lawmakers. The Tea Party claimed to be guided by deep rooted, common sense principles dating back to American Independence. In fact, they were the first incarnation of a new American nihilism, devoted almost exclusively to tribal animosity and viscerally opposed to bipartisanship. Forget Paine or Jefferson, this group took its cues from Limbaugh and Beck. The GOP class of 2010 was a doozy, and surely haunts us today.

Eighty-four freshman entered the House chamber in January of 2011, About one in three GOP House members was green as grass. Mick Mulvaney was one, Mike Pompeo another. But as notable as these reactionary rookies of 2011 were, more important were the Fox/AM veterans, heretofore insignificant back benchers, whose stature was elevated as they suddenly gained seniority. Overnight, Palinite show horses like Devin Nunes, Jim Jordan, Tom Price and Kevin McCarthy were moved up the ladder as Republicans took back House control. Suddenly they were old hands, with dozens of political neophytes, many elevated by extremist campaign themes, looking to them for help learning the ropes, and fully willing to follow their lead regarding legislation. Moreover, their committee seats moved several positions closer to the center of the dais, ensuring more than just five-minute time blocks at the end of the line for inane ramblings; they would no longer be ignored. After all, aimless talk was their specialty.

In 2015 the Freedom Caucus was christened. Its creation reflected an ominous surge by those less interested in working at the hard job of governing than simply complaining in front of cameras and blocking legislation they weren’t certain would be embraced by the extremists at home. Jordan would state the group’s aim was to be “more cohesive, more agile and more active,” code words for the club’s corrosive hyper-partisanship.

The Heritage Foundation had by now lurched hard right and, along with the Republican Study Committee on the Hill, became a sweat shop for what passed as the intellectual underpinnings for a full range of far right positions on issues from minority “dependence” on welfare to the “hoax” of climate change to the wonders of supply side economics. What developed was a loop between Fox/AM, corporate lobbyists, right wing academics and the GOP to produce talk tracks all would repeat ceaselessly. Truth and inconvenient facts were. as a rule, avoided.

By 2015 the GOP leadership realized it should have been more careful what it wished for. While its full embrace of the Tea Party had regained it majority status, it was clear the bloc they now relied on to govern as a party had little interest in actually governing. The constituents Tea Party do-nothings answered to took their cues not from Speaker of the House John Boehner, or even the more obtusely partisan Mitch McConnell in the Senate; no, they had learned their civics at Mark Levin’s knee, and constructive compromise had become a synonym for RINO.

The primary difference between Boehner and the new Freedom Caucus would become the defining foundation of Donald Trump’s wretched core of support. Both Boehner and the nihilists were united in giving corporations, particularly those of the energy sector galvanized against global Climate Change initiatives, everything they wanted. Both were deficit hypocrites, who never met a farm or oil subsidy they didn’t love or a tax cut that wasn’t heaven blessed. But where Boehner used culture war grievance as a political tool to advance his primary agenda, the Fox/AMers owed it their existence. Boehner was fine with lip service to tropes, Jim Jordan and Tom Price walked the walk, regardless of consequence to the national interest or the groups they constantly marginalized; it was their ugly mission statement. After Boehner was forced out by those who viewed him as much an opponent as Obama himself, he provided a frank assessment of the Freedom Caucus:

“They can’t tell you what they’re for. They can tell you everything they’re against. They’re anarchists. They want total chaos. Tear it all down and start over. That’s where their mindset is.”

Paul Ryan, who would make the professional mistake of his life by deciding to replace Boehner, received the same treatment despite his close connection to RNC Chairman Reince Priebus and his budget purity bona fides. When he was similarly driven from office, Ryan appeared shell-shocked; wasn’t I just yesterday the party’s future?! What the hell happened? What occurred was, again, nihilist jackals bayed against governance, equating any effort to solve problems or even express a party position on issues as heresy. In the end, both Boehner and Ryan were faced with either working with Democrats or allowing manufactured crises like the debt ceiling or extended government shutdowns to define their legacy.

As it rapidly became clear Trump’s candidacy was gaining traction, House nihilists jumped on board. While GOP Senators struggled with allegiances to colleagues and political sensibilities they fully understood Trump ran directly against, the Duncan Hunters (CA) and Chris Collins (NY), both coincidently -or maybe not – now facing criminal corruption charges, didn’t hesitate. By the time Sean Hannity was in the bag, most all of the Freedom Caucus was well on its way. Sure, some still had competitive general elections that required a bit more muted support of Trump, but when he actually won, all were ready to become MAGA apostles. The rest is ruinous history.

In retrospect it is tragically comical any hopes the GOP could be relied on to check Trump’s worst inclinations were ever entertained. Any meaningful audit taken of the 2016 House GOP never supported such optimism. While Trump opponents cheered 2018’s romp by Democrats as they took back House control, fact is it finished the job the Tea Party started back in 2010. The Republican Party has been completely purged. Forget moderates, there now is virtually no Republican member of Congress who doesn’t consider bipartisan a political slur.

The announced retirements of isolated outliers like Will Hurd and Peter King complete the extinction event. The GOP House Caucus is now wholly a Fox/AM creation, prepared to follow Trump down whatever drain he circles. Anybody who doubts that need only look at the President’s long list of retweets echoing the “sham” of impeachment and the “lies” of House Intelligence Committee chair Adam Schiff – McCarthy, Scalise, Nunes, Jordon, Meadows, Collins, etc. ….there are no exceptions left.

The shameful unity on nationally televised display by House Intelligence Committee Republicans should come as no surprise to anyone paying close attention to the party’s devolution over the last decade. One of the more ironic political talking points of this generation is the GOP trope that America simply wants Congress to “just get back to the business of government carrying out the people’s business.” That’s an activity few if any who now constitute the House Republican caucus ever had any interest in trying. Defending a nihilist President against a continuous stream of facts that clarify his guilt has always been far more up their alley. Perhaps the clearest shade of ruin. BC